Monday, April 30, 2018

Those Who Learn Of History, Do They Learn From It?


A civic issue has entered upon a venue of my past, so the issue has a context that is not simply one of abstract opinion but resonates with actual experience. The civic issue is: What is the socially correct policy for public buildings, areas or artifacts that are named after an historic personage with an association to a behavior, belief or set of values that by today’s standards would be intolerable or illegal? It’s an issue because there isn’t a consensus on what the policy is or should be.

This isn’t a new societal issue, objecting to what something is named after has been around before and I have every expectation that it will be around again. It turns out that my high-school (Washington & Lee) is embroiled in the controversy over having a public facility named after individuals who had owned or supported slavery. This puts my high-school in the cross-hairs of the issue for both the Founding Fathers era (G. Washington) and the Confederacy (R. E. Lee); both were slave owners.

So, there is an effort to rename the school because its namesakes were slaveholders. This of course is the core of the issue given there are those who support renaming and those who do not. What makes matters quite difficult is that there really isn’t a correct answer. Neither side can prove their position, they can only present their reasoning and opinions. While I am sure their positions are known to be ‘right’ to themselves, this is not a scientific or mathematical right; it is a right set in their own viewpoints. In these circumstances the question that must be confronted is what the basis for each sides’ principles, values and judgements is? Comparing where ‘they’ versus ‘us’ are coming from may provide some insight into what might logically follows from either.

A central aspect of the issue is a consideration of what constitutes whether historic individuals should be judged or assessed by today’s standards or by the ‘Standards of Their Times’. To make this determination, we also must interject the question of who gets to decide today’s standards. While slavery is hopefully a settled societal violation, not all factors are necessarily as clearly agreed to and decided as a value, let alone as a legal imperative.

How does the Standards of Their Times versus today’s weigh in whether the individual is a person who can be respected or honored for the totality of their lives? Since in the case of my high-school there are two individuals from two different eras in which they lived, we have a three-way case to examine. This perspective may clarify if this is an ‘all or none’ issue or if there are at least several different degrees or levels to the question. This same perspective can be extended to additional time-periods if there is any sense that just within these three even one salient point is meaningfully different.

 We might as well strike straight at the question: Do the Standards of someone’s own time not matter in how we judge them by our own Standards of today? As with the nature of the original issue, there is no absolute and indisputably correct answer; there is only an answer that has some compelling justification to people’s values who live today. Oddly that doesn’t mean that today’s Standards set the bar.

Let’s use a current Standard (and legal precedent) that you can’t be prosecuted for violation of a law that was legislated and enacted after the fact. Now vile and inhumane as we view slavery today, this wasn’t the case in the Standards of Their Times. There certainly were mixed attitudes and opinions on slavery in both eras; but it wasn’t settled in either, in fact it had major consequences in both. It would seem inconsistent with one of our values that people have the right to views and actions that are not illegal. We can condemn the views from our privileged position of today, but is that the same as condemning the people themselves for how society was in their time?

Now you may accept that we should not condemn, but that doesn’t mean that we should honor them?

Again, we can look at the three different eras for context and comparison. What justifies whether an individual can be honored by today’s society? The current proposition of renaming the high-school is that G. Washington and R. E. Lee are not deserving of being honor (because they were slaveholders). It seems odd to consider that George Washington wouldn’t have a decent claim for being a figure that we should remember and admire, even despite the fact that he was a slaveholder. He wasn’t alone among our Founding Fathers to be a slaveholder nor was he a diehard advocate for slavery. He struggled with slavery as an institution but only had his slaves freed after his and his wife’s death. Note: his wife freed their slaves before her death. By the Standards of his times, he failed to make it to our Standards but he moved the issue forward if ever so slightly. Washington isn’t honored because he was a slaveholder. He isn’t honored because he advocated for its preservation. He’s honored for other actions and values. We can view him as a flawed individual (by today’s Standards) and he would probably agree with that. So, if he deserves some recognition for those attributes and accomplishments then what Standard of today would we cite for denying him that honor? Do we apply the same denial to Jefferson, Franklin, and other founders who in their time acted against a Standard we set beyond their graves?

Robert E. Lee, in a different era that still permitted slavery during most of his life, represents a very different case. He inherited his slaveholder status from his wife’s father and apparently didn’t question the situation other than acting as the executor and was charged with settling the estate including the slaves. He then returned to his military career. Before the Civil War, Lee was as well-respected and promising officer. When the South seceded from the Union, he chose siding with his home state over the nation though he purportedly ‘desired’ the preservation of the nation. In his era, state/regional affiliations were much more important than that are today. And even today regional identity is salient factor in people’s attitudes. He soon took charge of the Confederacy’s main army and was quite successful in most of his battles against larger Union forces. By the time of his surrender to Grant, Lee commanded all Union forces. His surrender ended the war.

 After the war, Lee sought reconciliation of the North and South; but equality of the races was not known to be a view he ascribed to. What then is Lee being honored for that coincides with values and principles that we would consider consistent with not just our time but also his own? It certainly wasn’t upholding slavery which even in his own time was doubtful as being presented as a virtue or social value. He was a notable American military officer and subsequently a successful Confederate general. His ties, loyalty and allegiance to Virginia is perhaps understandable for the times but was it a virtue in the context of his oath to serve and protect the nation? Had he and others not been paroled by Grant at Lincoln’s instruction, it is likely that Lee would have been charged with treason. Even by the Standards of his times, it’s not clear why from an American perspective Lee would be honored as an American icon; and as an icon of the Confederacy what is being honored? He may not deserve to be reviled by the Standards of his day but defining what exceptional qualities and values he possessed that we would extoll isn’t obvious. Perhaps the most benefit that would come from preserving his name for the school would be having to explicitly explain to its current and future students that he was a major figure in the nation’s and Virginia’s history on the wrong side of the slavery issue and who deserted the Union when it might have benefited most from his talents. Lee’s significance may be that he was an exceptional man for his times, sadly a product of those times, and a tragic and flawed person who can be a lesson for the future by remembering the errors of our past.

Now our history with slavery is a big issue in American. It has affected that history from before we were a nation. I raise this point because the Standards of those times: Pre-America, Revolutionary America, Civil War American, and today are more complex than we think that hard about. As despicable as slavery is it existed in several forms. This is not intended to diminish the extent or heinous aspect of the slavery imposed upon the Afro-Americans but to provide some context for what was common in the treatment of other people at the time. Native Americans were also enslaved during these periods. America was also a location for the British to “transport” penal colonists, even though American colonies tried to have it stopped. These convicts were sentenced to seven or fourteen years of labor after which they could ‘return’ to Britain. There was also a class of people who were ‘indentured servants’. Indentured servitude was essentially a contract binding the person to service for a period of time (4 to 7 years) in return for passage, room, and board. The indentured servant worked for the individual holding the contract.

What can one learn about the attitudes of the American societies that existed during these times? One thing is clear, the treatment of other human beings was not even remotely anti-enslavement or for that matter viewed all people as even worthy of being inherently free, let alone as an equal. Judging the past from the present is an exercise in misdirection, it neither changes that history nor demonstrates that we are learning from it. Again, there is no ‘right’ answer; although there is maybe a ‘good’ question: What is the proper way to recognize the good and the bad facets of our historic personages?

If there’s truth to the idea that “those who do not learn history are doomed to repeat it”, it would be advantageous for our society to present our history honestly and accurately. This would include not whitewashing or omitting aspects of individuals that we do not admire or accept as values and standards of our society. Realistically we should know from the start that no historic figure is or was perfect even for their own times, that our own standards are not faithfully adhered to, and that our national standards and values will evolve with society itself.

What then to do about the name: Washington-Lee High School? It’s simple. Define the rules and reasons that determine what disqualifies a person’s name from being used. This would include specifying the scope and nature of what the rules apply to. I suppose it’s not all that simple after all. Consider which of the following would be included in the defining the rules:

  • ·         What are the Standards that establish a reason to justify a name change?

o   Slavery:  a slaveholder, slave trader, family member of slaveholder, member of Confederacy, person/entity employing an enslaved individual, …
o   Slavery of: any person, Afro-American, Native American, Oriental American, …
o   Indentured servant: contract holder, paid for use of servant, …
o   Robber Baron: capitalist who used exploitive business practices
o   Polygamy
o   Adultery
o   Avowed racist
o   Sex-offender
o   Murder
o   Drug trafficker
o   Other offenses
  • ·         What items would be subject to the rules?

o   monuments
o   buildings,
o   public areas
o   city names
o   state’s name
o   name of nation’s capital
o   private buildings
o   Art work
o   other thing?
  • ·         Who gets to decide?

o   Local government
o   State government
o   Federal government
o   Voters
o   A filed complaint against a specific item
o   Alumni (or individual who has a relationship with the item under consideration)
  • ·         How is the process administered?


The name of my high school isn’t particularly important to me. It’s just a place and in the scope of its import it has little weight to me. I recognize however that it is more meaningful to others. So, I find myself once again with a ‘there is no right answer’ attitude. So, if you want to change the name, I think you must make the case for the larger society and get their agreement. Define why it should change and establish a general process to be applied not just to this one case but as a universal principle. Personally, I would recommend that we agree to identify the current social value that the named individual did not possess.

Wednesday, April 18, 2018

Calculus of 21st Century War: As Illustrated in Syria’s Civil & Regional War


With the 2nd US military action against Syria in responding to its use of chemical weapons against its own citizens, the US and its allies have demonstrated another in a long line of examples of what constitutes a rationale and justification for engaging in a war-situation. You would think that we would know why nations go to war, and what the causes are that required it, and the objectives of ending the war are. If only it were that simple and that clear. Even an understanding of what defines being in a war is not something we understand.

When for example was the US last in a war? If you’re referring to a declared war, then it was World War II. This must seem not just incorrect but impossible given the events that have transpired in your own lives since then. But it was the term ‘declared’ that tripped you up. Instead of being at war as ‘declared’ by Congress, the US has been engaged in ‘military engagements’ that were authorized by Congress (Vietnam, Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, Iraq) or by the United Nations (e.g., Korean, Persian Gulf, Bosnian). So, the US’s engagement in Syria is an ‘Authorization for Use of Military Force’, it’s not a war; well, not to us. So, this is one conceptual change that has taken place over the last sixty years. Wars are now the big threat to be denied even while we invest the lives of our military and civil servants, our national treasury, and our values in ‘military engagements’.  Now if you want to know why we do this, it’s primarily because of politics. The US can’t get involved in declared wars without Congressional approval, so Presidents have navigated our way into conflicts via alternate techniques. Congresses have likewise sought ways to curtail/limit the power (and concurrently the risk) of allowing the President in engaging in ‘wars’ while recognizing that there are situations that demand an ability to make decisions that cannot await a Congressional process.

So, whether we are at war or not, the US is absolutely engaged in armed conflicts. Syria is one such conflict. But the purpose in being in a conflict also has to be based on some rationale that serves the overall interests of the nation. In the case of Syria, the US’s involvement was targeted at the elimination of the ISIS caliphate in support of the War on Terror (it’s ok to use the term ‘War’ even for ‘engagements’). The objective was to prevent the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate lead by terrorists and to help resolve the Syria Civil War. Now the war to eliminate ISIS was another effort to protect American interests; the tangential goal to resolve the Syria Civil War may not have been a significant factor in that decision.

Now the missile attacks on Syria forces would seem inconsistent with both the ISIS and the Civil War objectives, in that it doesn’t have a readily available rationale for how those attacks apply. The prevalent reason given for the attacks is independent of those goals and is explained as required because of the illegal use of chemical weapons. This would seem to be a sound and reasoned justification, except for a couple of things.

First, if the use of chemical weapons requires a response then as there have been numerous chemical attacks and not just the two, it would seem the use of chemical weapons doesn’t require a response but can be used to justify one. Perhaps it’s because when chemical weapons are used they indiscriminately kill civilians.

Second, if indiscriminately killing non-combatants provides the basis for attacking the perpetrator then the US doesn’t appear to have a problem with members of the Syria coalition violating that condition. The use of random bombing and targeting by area is clearly killing many civilians without any apparent consideration of who is dying. So maybe it’s a simple ratio that must be violated; like 1 terrorist killed can justify 10 civilian deaths. There hasn’t been any disclosure of such a metric but that doesn’t mean there isn’t one although I would doubt politicians and military leaders would be stupid enough to use such a rule. Any time there will be both terrorist and civilian deaths, I suspect that there are assessments about how to minimize civilian deaths (at least by US forces).

Third, is the use of chemical weapons as a justification for such missile attacks consistent with concurrently allowing civilian deaths in other forms logically sound and reasoned? If more civilians are killed with conventional weapons then it isn’t the death of civilians that matters, it just the means used. This leads to a conclusion that other nations don’t care about the civilians dying, but the danger to themselves that allowing a chemical attach to go un-responded to. This is not a humane justification, but a self-interest rationale. One can argue that it makes sense to get international agreement that use of indiscriminate chemical weapons places the offending nation(s) under retaliatory penalties, but you can’t and should claim the penalty was because of the civilians who died. It even makes more sense to justify the attacks on the basis of ‘you use them, the world punishes you’.

So, if the US cares about the death of civilians by chemical weapons because it’s inhumane and cannot be tolerated then why is their death by other means humane? Do the civilians who die by other means not suffer, or is it that they only suffer less? Down this road is insanity, deciding what is ok and what is not when it comes to kill people indiscriminately provides a path to mass murder that is safe.

What then is the responsibility of the US in the Syrian Civil War? It comes down to what the US has determined its goals to be, why those goals are relevant to the nation and it’s interests, and what attaining those goals will require. The clarity of our policy is dubious or at least our actions are not clearly aligned with a policy that would seem reasoned.

Are we at War? Yes. Do we have a national policy for it? Unclear. Is the public informed and willing to support the War? No. And this leaves the US vulnerable to not having a policy, strategy or the will to serve the nation’s interests and values.